Samuel Gregg is research director at the Acton Institute. He has written and spoken extensively on questions of political economy, economic history, ethics in finance, and natural law theory. He has an MA from the University of Melbourne, and a Doctor of Philosophy degree in moral philosophy and political economy from the University of Oxford. Two of his books have been short-listed for Conservative Book of the Year. Many of his books and articles have been translated into a variety of languages. He has served as an editorial consultant for the Italian journal, La Societa , and American correspondent for the German newspaper Die Tagespost. In , he was elected a member of the Philadelphia Society, and a member of the Royal Economic Society. He served as President of the Philadelphia Society from Americans see, across the Atlantic, European economies faltering under enormous debt; overburdened welfare states; governments controlling close to fifty percent of the economy; high taxation; heavily regulated labor markets; aging populations; and large numbers of public-sector workers. Our Team Samuel Gregg, D.
Samuel Gregg
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The moral philosopher and political economist speaks with Daniel P. Schmidt and Michael E. He has been quite busy lately, what with all of the many serious questions and concerns being raised about the proper roles of markets and government—from Rome and in American public discourse, including within American conservatism itself. The engaging and approachable Gregg is, though non-intimidatingly so, cerebral and substantive. Below is the first of two parts of an edited transcript of an enjoyable discussion that he was kind enough to have with us earlier this Winter. Hartmann: How are they going to celebrate your 20 th year? Are they going to have a big bash for you in Grand Rapids.
Part of the Liberty Fund network. As progressives understand better than most people, if you win the vision game, you likely win everything else. Anyone who sits on the vast spectrum from the liberal-minded left through to conservative traditionalists should have no illusions about the woke. Eighty years ago, France suffered perhaps the greatest humiliation in its history, and de Gaulle rallied the nation to continue the fight. Pinochet would be celebrated if his accomplishments had not been realized by a regime which had deployed savage methods against its opponents. In a culture in which social trust is widespread, entrepreneurship and free exchange become more plausible and sustainable. One Brexit effect is that the nation from which the Anglosphere ultimately derives is reassessing many of its most important relationships. American policymakers and citizens should acknowledge that the benefits promised by economic nationalism are illusory. The attraction of such policies is their promise of immediate action to reverse economic decline and promote national greatness, but do they deliver? Attempts to distance peoples completely from their national cultures were bound to produce unpredictable consequences.
